There may after all be useful methods to develop effective analogies to help guide your legal research!

I did at least acknowledge in Friday’s post about the difficulties of research that my words originated at an hour when I felt at “rock bottom.” The essence of my “advice” was not terribly helpful as an educational matter except perhaps in emphasizing to students the enormity of the task and the difficulty of the work they are taking on when they do legal research. I wrote:

Research that is genuine research not only requires Sisyphean patience in combing through the sources, it requires also consideration, observation, and study of what one finds within those sources so that one can, first, identify the elements that matter, and, second, put those important, buried, and isolated elements together in some useful and novel way.

But in emphasizing the difficulty and artistic aspects of legal research (beliefs I do not hereby recant), I entirely ignored the perfectly legitimate question asked by one professor on behalf of her students: are there any methods that are helpful in developing the analogies that are so central to legal argument?

So I did what I should have done in the first place if I were going to speak with any authority on research — I did some research, and, in fact, I found that there may be methods that can help students develop meaningful and useful analogies they can subsequently use to guide their research with increased effectiveness. See, e.g., I. Blanchett & K. Dunbar, How Analogies are Generated: the Role of Structural and Superficial Similarity, Memory & Cognition 2000, 29, 730-735 (pdf) and sources cited therein.

One can, of course, make a lists of items and ask students which ones belongs and which one doesn’t. You might list, for example, Oprah Winfrey, Orin Hatch, Hilary Clinton, and Olympia Snowe. In doing so, the students could recognize that the group of 4 could be classified according to a number of different criteria, and each criterion would exclude a person the other criteria would not. There are 3 women. There are 3 politicians. There are 3 people whose first names begin with the letter O.

This type of exercise does help students recognize that analogies are based on the similarities between different situations, and that of course is a necessary first step in teaching argument based on analogy.

The problem with this type of exercise, however, is that experiments show that it leads subjects to focus on surface similarities between the situations they are comparing rather than on underlying structural similarities. Blanchett & Dunbar at 3. In contrast, however, research shows that the analogies people use to solve real world problems “tend to be based on deep structural features rather than superficial features.” Id. at 4.

Fortunately, however, there are studies supporting at least one method of increasing the ability of subjects to identify situations that share deep structural similarities and, therefore, provide more meaningful analogies and more effective problem solving. Simply put, the subjects are split into 2 groups and are presented with a problem, associated issues, and 2 opposing approaches to solving the problem. One group is asked to generate analogies supporting one group, and the other to generate analogies supporting the opposition.  In one experiment, for example, subjects were presented with the question of whether Canada should run a public deficit or instead balance its national budget. One group was asked to generate analogies that would be helpful to a group arguing for a balanced budget, while the other was asked to identify analogies helpful to a group supporting deficit spending. Id. at 5.

The results showed that the analogies developed by the groups were not very influenced by superficial similarities, that the groups generated a wide variety of analogies, and that they drew those deep-structure analogies from domains not typically associated with the target problem. Thus, instead of focusing on matters typically associated with debates over national budgets — economics, politics, and personal finance (if I can balance my checkbook, why can’t the government?!) — the analogies were  drawn “from domains as varied as natural resources, eating, illness, and domestic tasks.” Id. at 9. Further studies have shown similar results and have suggested that individuals generating analogies alone are more effective than groups at finding deep structural similarities in situations that are not superficially similar. Id. at 13.

So here may be a useful tip for a student trying to find analogies to legal problems he or she is trying to develop arguments about:

Sit down alone, without resort to any sources other than your own imagination, and try to think of as many situations that are similar to the problem or issue you are addressing in ways that support the position you are taking on the issue. Don’t feel constrained by case law you may have happened to have read or what you feel lawyers are supposed to do. Use your imagination, and draw on whatever  you can. You’ll end up with a number of analogies. Then you can go to secondary sources, identify cases that involve those types of situations, and perhaps in those cases you’ll find arguments and analogies useful in the case you are trying to solve. You might even find very good ones no one has considered before. Lawyers do that all the time.

If you can’t say it clearly, you aren’t thinking it clearly.

At Language Log, Geoffrey K. Pullum makes a crucial point in criticizing Sarah Palin’s inchoherence:

I think being so utterly unable to explain what one wants to say is truly and reasonably regarded as a defect in one’s qualifications for office – partly because being so inept at talking in a controlled and sensible way strongly suggests that there was no sensible thought back there, and partly because even if there were sensible thoughts back there somewhere, a leader needs to be more skilled at articulating them.

I suppose I’d qualify Mr. Pullum’s statement in one way — where there’s incoherence, there rarely are sensible thoughts, even allowing for the ungrammatical nature of a lot of spoken language,

In short, if you cannot write or speak your thoughts coherently, you don’t have coherent thoughts. Think about it. How often have you heard a lecture, thought how much brilliance was there, and then gone home to write down notes embodying that brilliance, only to find out that there are gaps and fallacies filling spaces that must be filled if the brilliance is to persist?

If you can’t say it, you don’t know it. On this point, Malcolm Gladwell’s Blink has been widely misinterpreted (and was perhaps intended) as a brief in favor of gut feeling over analysis. I think, given the compelling examples he writes about, that Gladwell’s thesis would better be stated as follows: the gut feelings of people well trained and experienced in a field are often better than analysis. There is a huge difference between the gut feelings of hockey moms untrained in tax or foreign policy and hockey moms trained in tax and foreign policy when it comes to opining on tax and foreign policy. Richard Posner’s review of Blink explains (emphasis and hyperlink added) my point well:

As Exhibit A for the superiority of intuitive to articulate thinking, Gladwell offers the case of a purported ancient Greek statue that was offered to the Getty Museum for $10 million. Months of careful study by a geologist (to determine the age of the statue) and by the museum’s lawyers (to trace the statue’s provenance) convinced the museum that it was genuine. But when historians of ancient art looked at it, they experienced an “intuitive revulsion,” and indeed it was eventually proved to be a fake.

The example is actually a bad one for Gladwell’s point, though it is a good illustration of the weakness of this book, which is a series of loosely connected anecdotes, rich in “human interest” particulars but poor in analysis. . . .

But back to the case of the Greek statue. It illustrates not the difference between intuitive thinking and articulate thinking, but different articulate methods of determining the authenticity of a work of art. One method is to trace the chain of title, ideally back to the artist himself (impossible in this case); another is to perform chemical tests on the material of the work; and a third is to compare the appearance of the work to that of works of art known to be authentic. The fact that the first two methods happened to take longer in the particular case of the Getty statue is happenstance. Had the seller produced a bill of sale from Phidias to Cleopatra, or the chemist noticed that the statue was made out of plastic rather than marble, the fake would have been detected in the blink of an eye. Conversely, had the statue looked more like authentic statues of its type, the art historians might have had to conduct a painstakingly detailed comparison of each feature of the work with the corresponding features of authentic works. Thus the speed with which the historians spotted this particular fake is irrelevant to Gladwell’s thesis. Practice may not make perfect, but it enables an experienced person to arrive at conclusions more quickly than a neophyte. The expert’s snap judgment is the result of a deliberative process made unconscious through habituation.